„Národ je veliký jen silou své odvahy, vřelostí své víry a velikostí odhodlání snášeti utrpení a přinášeti oběti budoucnosti. Celá desetiletí čekali Poláci na své vzkříšení, dvacet let čekali Maďaři na svoji revizi. I my musíme čekati. ... Charakter národa nakonec rozhodne o tom, zda ne-li my, tedy naše děti dožijí se nové, lepší svobody a neodvislosti…“
Ladislav Rašín, projev v pomnichovském parlamentu 14. 12. 1938
Přispějte prosím na léčbu postiženého malého Kuby
Přispějte prosím na léčbu postiženého malého Kuby na účet: 257945202/0300. Kuba se léčí i s epilepsií. Má dětskou mozkovou obrnu (DMO). Nehýbe ani jednou ze čtyř končetin. Je spastik a hypotonik. Nemluví, nesedí, neleze. Rodina na tom není sociálně dobře, ale léčba je drahá.Více informací zde.
We, Central Europeans expect that if things go on like this, there will be a dominant Muslim presence in the western half of Europe even in the lifetime of our generation.
Let us wait for Him solemnly, fearfully, hopefully, patiently, obediently; let us be resigned to His will, while active in good works. Let us pray Him ever, to “remember us when He cometh in His kingdom;” to remember all our friends; to remember our enemies; and to visit us according to His mercy here, that He may reward us according to His righteousness hereafter.
In order to love one’s country, said Edmund Burke, one’s country ought to be lovely. Is it still? Reid Buckley, brother of Bill, replies, “I am obliged to make a public declaration that I cannot love my country. … We are Vile.”
And so what is the conservative’s role in an America many believe has not only lost its way but seems to be losing its mind?
What is it now that conservatives must conserve?
Of George W. Bush, it will be said that, after 9/11, he led his country on a utopian crusade for democracy in the Muslim world — and all but ignored the rise of a rival with a potential that Stalin never had to surpass and eclipse the United States as first power on earth.
Our Presidents can now, on their own:
1. Order assassinations, including American citizens,
2. Operate secret military tribunals,
3. Engage in torture,
4. Enforce indefinite imprisonment without due process,
5. Order searches and seizures without proper warrants, gutting the 4th Amendment,
6. Ignore the 60 day rule for reporting to the Congress the nature of any military operations as required by the War Power Resolution,
7. Continue the Patriot Act abuses without oversight,
8. Wage war at will,
9. Treat all Americans as suspected terrorists at airports with TSA groping and nude x-raying.
I have often compared the European Union to a cartel – a cartel of governments, engaged in a permanent conspiracy against their own electorates and parliaments. This analysis seems to have been dramatically confirmed by the Lisbon Treaty, signed last week, which replaces the defunct “constitution” rejected in referenda in France and the Netherlands in 2005.
The European Union now displays all the worst characteristics of Belgium itself: an impossibly complicated institutional structure which is kept that way deliberately in order to serve vested interests; an opaque and deliberately undemocratic decision-making process; a vast system of internal financing which is used to pervert the political process by buying off certain powerful interest groups; and of course rampant corruption. By showing up the Belgian model itself as a lie, the independence of Flanders would provide a great service to democracy and to the whole of Europe.
The Lords have found that, while the total size of the economy does rise when there is high net immigration, this does not mean that prosperity as such rises. Per capita GDP remains the same. In other words, the size of the economy rises only to the extent that there are more people in the country than before. The economic benefit of mass immigration is zero.
What is the moral basis of the argument that homosexuality is normal, natural and healthy? In recent years, it has been associated with high levels of AIDS and enteric diseases, and from obits in gay newspapers, early death. Where is the successful society where homosexual marriage was normal?
I am a consistent critic of American (and British) foreign policy and I have long since despaired of the Eurosceptic movement in Britain, especially on the Right, which excoriates France for an allegedly servile attitude towards Germany while at the same time demanding that Britain behave with the same servility towards Washington. British Tories say they defend British sovereignty against Brussels but they see nothing wrong in having Britain’s foreign and defence policy subjected entirely to America’s. Indeed, any suggestion that Britain should have an independent military policy, for instance by not belonging to NATO, is regarded as the wildest heresy.
What we have, then, in the proposal of the Anglosphere, is little different in constitutional or even ideological terms from the current project of EU integration. It is merely a different version of the same thing, propagated by people who have never understood the nature of the European project in the first place. They have, in particular, not understood that America – and specifically the internationalist American ideology now widely known as neo-conservatism – is itself the driving force behind the end of national sovereignty.
Make no mistake, abortion-on-demand is not a right granted by the Constitution. No serious scholar, including one disposed to agree with the Court's result, has argued that the framers of the Constitution intended to create such a right. Shortly after the Roe v. Wade decision, Professor John Hart Ely, now Dean of Stanford Law School, wrote that the opinion "is not constitutional law and gives almost no sense of an obligation to try to be." Nowhere do the plain words of the Constitution even hint at a "right" so sweeping as to permit abortion up to the time the child is ready to be born. Yet that is what the Court ruled.
Literature about the South and Southern history is vast – largely because non-Southerners have always found the South interesting. The greatest part of this literature is written from the viewpoint of the outsider diagnosing sin (in the 19th century) or pathology (since). The assumption apparently is that any people who don't want to be like Massachusetts must be either sick or evil.
Perhaps, some day, their statues, like Lenin’s in Russia, will be toppled and melted down; their insignias and battle flags will be desecrated, their war songs tossed into the fire. And then Davis and Lee and Jackson and Forrest, and all the heroes of the South, "Dixie" and the Stars and Bars, will once again be truly honored and remembered. The classic comment on that meretricious TV series The Civil War was made by that marvelous and feisty Southern writer Florence King. Asked her views on the series, she replied: "I didn’t have time to watch The Civil War. I’m too busy getting ready for the next one." In that spirit, I am sure that one day, aided and abetted by Northerners like myself in the glorious "copperhead" tradition, the South shall rise again.
But the civil rights paradigm never really fit: unlike most African-Americans, lesbians and gay men can render their minority status invisible. Furthermore, their economic status is not analogous—indeed, there are studies that show gay men, at least, are economically better off on average than heterosexuals. They tend to be better educated, have better jobs, and these days are not at all what one could call an oppressed minority. According to GayAgenda.com, “studies show that [gay] Americans are twice as likely to have graduated from college, twice as likely to have an individual income over $60,000 and twice as likely to have a household income of $250,000 or more.”
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